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And even were the public investment made available, there are not enough skilled workers - since Thatcher’s dismantling of a statutory sectoral training system, based on social partnership - to carry out the task. Its transport and infrastructure remain substantially unmodernised. It voluntarily destroyed its industrial base under Margaret Thatcher in the 1980s and, even now, allows the finance sector to siphon off talented graduates in computing, mathematics, and the hard sciences. Far from solving the problems it was supposed to assuage - low growth, low wages, low skills - it has exacerbated them or, in the case of skills, exposed the structural flaws.īritain constructed the most neoliberal economy in the advanced world, boosting gross domestic product by adding workers - much as Soviet managers used to when ordered to increase production. Meanwhile airport chaos at home, triggered by the absence of east-European and other migrant workers, tells the story nobody in the Conservative Party wants to hear: Brexit is failing. Long queues at European airports for travellers returning to the UK are becoming the visual symbol of the malaise. The UK economy is suffering the cumulative effects of Brexit - trade disruption, shortages of labour and commodities, inflation at 9 per cent and rising - amid economic stagnation.īritain constructed the most neoliberal economy in the advanced world, boosting gross domestic product by adding workers - much as Soviet managers used to when ordered to increase production. The day after the vote, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development confirmed that it expected the United Kingdom economy to flatline next year. Rather, you are simply seeking to campaign, to keep changing the subject and to create political and cultural dividing lines mainly for your advantage, at a time when the economy is struggling, inflation is soaring and growth is anaemic at best.’ Unfulfilled promises It has a large majority, but no long-term plan. ‘The Government seems to lack a sense of mission. But Norman’s letter summed up the indictment:
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One of their prominent members, on the eve of the vote, called openly for a return to the European single market - probably tipping some rebels back to Johnson.īecause none of these groups can command a majority, nor outline any kind of common prospectus, Johnson remains in office. It has a large majority, but no long-term plan.’Ī third faction contains the remnants of the ‘soft’-Brexit advocates. Norman complained that the policies and practices of Johnson’s government were ‘at odds with a decent, proper conservatism: with effective teamwork, careful reform, a sense of integrity, respect for the rule of law and a long-term focus on the public good’.
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Their view was summed up by the senior backbench MP Jesse Norman, who told Johnson that his claim to be vindicated by an official’s report on lawbreaking associated with serial soirées at No 10 Downing Street was ‘ grotesque’. Then there are the patrician, social-welfare conservatives, in the ‘one nation’ tradition of the 19th-century party leader and prime minister Benjamin Disraeli. Their most iconic leader is the former defence secretary Penny Mordaunt. The 148 Conservative MPs who voted no confidence in the prime minister on 6 June represented 41 per cent of the party in Parliament and 58 per cent of the British people, as polled by YouGov. The Tories voted to spare themselves a leadership contest, not just because there is no clear alternative leader but because all the potential leaders represent rival factions with serious political differences.įirst there are the ‘hard’ Brexiters, who want to rip up the Northern Ireland protocol, begin a trade war with Europe and set about the radical deregulation of the British economy.
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Boris Johnson has survived, but only just.